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In March, the COVID Inquiry completed four weeks of hearings centred on the controversial procurement decisions made by Boris Johnson’s Government during the pandemic.
Of particular interest was the use of a VIP lane by the Cabinet Office and Department for Health and Social Care (DHSC) to procure PPE — a system that fast tracked offers from politically connected companies, many of whom had never previously supplied PPE to the NHS.
The previous Conservative Government was forced by the Good Law Project to reveal the names of the suppliers who benefited from the VIP Lane, and in November 2021, published the list of 51 names following a long-running battle.
However, those 51 suppliers declared by the DHSC may just be the tip of the iceberg — new evidence published by the COVID Inquiry and analysed by the UK Anti-Corruption Coalition (UKACC) suggests “20 other suppliers who received 48 contracts worth £1 billion” Via the VIP route. So, half a decade on we still don’t know the scale of the VIP lane operation.
However, new documents published by the COVID Inquiry and additional documents obtained by Byline Times via Freedom of Information requests have shed new light on the political interference involved in the VIP lane and alarming evidence that suggests the public may never know the VIP lane’s true extent.
Byline Times can now reveal:
- Gareth Rhys Williams, the Government’s Chief Commercial Officer during the pandemic has confessed in his witness statement to the inquiry that the true scale of the VIP lane remains unknown.
- Williams, in his statement to the inquiry confirmed that “approximately 450 companies and individuals made offers” that were fast-tracked into the VIP lane — “leading to the award of contracts to 52 currently identified suppliers”. However, in the footnote of the statement an alarming admission was included…
- Williams claims: “The use of spreadsheets to record the actions of the PPE Buy Cell before 16 April 2020 means that there may be some offers/contracts which went through the HPL but which have not been recorded or subsequently identified as having done so.”
- Max Cairnduff, a senior civil servant working within the VIP lane has confirmed in his witness statement to the Inquiry that former Health Secretary Matt Hancock, along with Conservative Party Peers Lord Feldman, Lord Deighton and Lord Agnew were responsible for referring 60 suppliers onto the high priority lane.
- Byline Times has tried to uncover the names of the suppliers referred by the quartet of senior Conservatives, but our freedom of information request was rejected. The Cabinet Office claim releasing the names would not be in the “public interest” and suggest handing over the details would have a “detrimental effect on the ongoing UK COVID-19 Inquiry” and would “create potentially misleading assumptions and public understanding”. Byline Times intends to challenge this decision.
- Byline Times previously revealed that Lord Feldman, was working as a “fixer” for DHSC ministers during the pandemic and had referred 18 of the 60 suppliers and Hancock intervened to help a Conservative donor’s Pizza firm land a VIP lane PPE Contract.
- Last month Democracy for Sale revealed that Reform UK treasurer Nick Candy’s firm was put in the COVID ‘VIP lane’. But, prior to being fast racked, documents released to Byline Times, show that representatives from Candy Capital lobbied Conservative Party peer and PPE Tzar Lord Deighton.
In May 2020, Lord Deigton received an email from Candy Capital offering to supply PPE. The firm is controlled by Candy who had previously donated £340,000 to the Conservatives before quitting the party last year to become Reform UK treasurer.
Candy Capital asked Lord Deighton to confirm what PPE is required, before claiming there “was no reason why we should not be able to get any of the right PPE, masks, swabs, etc into the UK”. The remainder of the conversation is redacted and further correspondence between the company and ministers has been withheld by the Government.
Gavid Hayman, executive director of open contracting partnerships and co-chair of the UKACC told the inquiry that “we are still not sure we have got to the bottom of all those VIP contracts”.
He added: “It appears that the evidence to the Inquiry on VIP Lane suppliers from DHSC conflicts with that of the Cabinet Office.
“The Cabinet Office evidence appears to omit 20 other suppliers who received 48 contracts worth £1 billion according to the DHSC evidence. I am not sure who is right but it is bad that we still don’t know for sure five years on. Hopefully, My Lady, you will get to the bottom of it.”
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A spokesperson for Candy Capital told Democracy for Sale that “no business was conducted, no PPE was supplied, and no commercial benefit of any kind was received by Candy Capital Ltd or Candy in relation to PPE or any government procurement process”. The firm also said they were not aware it was on the VIP lane.
A Department of Health and Social Care spokesperson told Byline Times: “This relates to matters under the previous Government.
“The Covid Counter Fraud Commissioner is working to deliver on the government’s commitment to do everything in its power to recoup money for our NHS, schools and the police.”