Ukraine Breaches Another Section of Russian Border in Kursk Region as it Continues to Call Putin’s Bluff

As Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is in the US for the UN General Assembly and meetings with Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, and Donald Trump, Ukrainian paratroopers have reportedly breached another section of the Russian border in the Kursk region, marking their second successful breakthrough.

According to Zelenskyy, Russian President Vladimir Putin “fears Ukraine’s Kursk operation”. 

Ukraine‘s offensive into Russia’s Kursk Oblast has claimed 1,300 square kilometres of territory, showcased its ability to conduct coordinated offensives using Western-supplied weapons, and became a strategic success in both conventional and information warfare. 

The manoeuvre has debunked multiple Kremlin narratives, including “a war stalemate,” Putin’s “red lines,” the invincibility of Russian border defences, and the all-time Russian propaganda hit, “Ukrainian Nazis”.

It also undermined the imperial stereotype of Russia’s territorial immunity stealthily incepted into public consciousness.

“Russians have been able to control the strategic discourse, setting up for us new rules in a war which have never existed before, like, for example, when you invade another country the entire war should take place on the territory of that country,” Yale professor Tymothy Snyder said at US Helsinki Commission at its hearing on Russia’s imperial identity.

“No one said that before because it’s absurd and yet somehow… it has been accepted in the US as normal that this war should be fought on the Ukrainian territory.”

Exposing Putin’s ‘Red Lines’ as Bluffs

A key component of the Russian territorial immunity is the myth of “Russian vengeance” propagated by the Kremlin and the Russian government-funded media. 

Since the start of the full-scale invasion, Putin and Russian state TV pundits have threatened the “collective West” with nuclear weapons.

On 24 February 2022, starting the full-scale invasion Putin stated: “No matter who tries to stand in our way or create threats for our country and our people, they must know that Russia will respond immediately… And the consequences will be such as you have never seen in your entire history.”

Putin’s ally, Dmitry Medvedev, former Russian president, is also known for his sabre-rattling and playing with red lines. In March 2024, he tweeted: “Macron has said, ‘there are no more red lines, there are no more limits’ in terms of supporting Ukraine… Then that means, Russia has no more red lines left for France.”

The delayed and limited Russian retaliation in the Kursk offensive has strengthened Kyiv’s argument that Putin’s “red lines” are mere scare tactics designed to deter Ukraine’s allies from supporting deeper strikes into Russian territory. 

Russia’s meek response to the incursion has led experts to view these thresholds as exaggerated fears rather than genuine threats. “Next time you hear about yet another Russian red line, don’t panic. Chances are, it’s already been crossed—and no one in Moscow is quite sure where to draw the next one,” a report in the UK Defence Journal stated.

The Kursk offensive has also emboldened Ukraine’s calls for access to long-range weapons to strike deeper into Russian territory.

“The most important red line has been crossed already. And that was when the Russians entered Ukraine,” said Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen.

Breaching Russian Defences and Challenging the ‘Stalemate’ Narrative

One of the main goals of the Kursk offensive was to create a “buffer zone,” also referred to as a “sanitary zone” by Putin or “grey zone,” along the frontline—territory inaccessible to Russian artillery, meant to protect Ukrainian border areas from attacks.

The operation has revealed vulnerabilities in Russian defences and demystified the impenetrability of the Russian border. 

By repeating the move and pushing into Russian soil on 23 September 2024, Ukraine has disrupted the Kremlin’s narrative of secure borders, not just forcing the Russian military to reconsider how they allocate resources along the extensive frontline. The incursion also brought the war home to Russian citizens.

The Kursk operation has also shattered the perception that the war had settled into a grinding stalemate—and for some the belief that the war in Ukraine was over.

Ukrainian military quickly penetrated Russian territory, established a foothold, and forced Russia to rethink its defensive strategies. The offensive has proven that the war is dynamic, with Ukraine actively shifting the battlefield balance, defying the narrative of attrition and slow progress.

Countering the ‘Nazi’ Propaganda Narrative

Ukraine’s conduct in Russian-controlled areas has debunked the Kremlin’s signature myth of “Ukrainian Nazis”.

Vadym Misnik, spokesman for the Ukrainian Siversk tactical-operational group, told Byline Times: “Our ancestors were fighting against the German fascism together. Now we are fighting against Russian fascism. We do not remove any of their monuments or memorial plaques dedicated to soldiers killed in 2022, during the full-scale aggression. It is their memory and we keep it.”

The only damages in the area are from the Russian attacks, according to Ukraine’s military administration in Kursk. For instance, the Russian military destroyed the Vladimir Lenin monument in the central square and a part of the WWII monument with an FPV drone. A building of the kindergarten and primary school was intact when Ukrainian forces took control of Sudzha in August, but was damaged by a Russian Shahid drone in September.

In an attempt to discredit the Ukrainian military, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia reused its favourite tactic, associating them with the “Nazis.” In a tweet, the official account falsely accused Ukrainian forces of forcibly evacuating residents of the Kursk region to Ukraine, equating their actions with Nazi war crimes.

Sudzha residents had told a different story. Olga said in an interview with Byline Times that Sudzha city authorities have abandoned the residents.

The 23-year-old’s family managed to evacuate at the start of the Ukrainian offensive, but she was left alone as she had missed the only two buses provided by the Russian military.

First terrified by Russian TV’s portrayal of Ukrainians as violent invaders who would kill, rape, and loot, she expected the worst. She hoped that “Putin would arrange for the Red Cross to evacuate civilians from Sudzha”.

Since no evacuation followed, Olga moved to a shelter where she lived, hiding in the basement from Russian shelling. She believed that the very reason the Russian troops were bombing and attacking Sudzha with drones, was to get rid of witnesses to failure. Olga stated: “Ukrainians were the ones who helped us. I would now like to move to Ukraine.”

Misnik, of the Ukrainian Siversk tactical-operational group, said it compiled lists of “Sudzha residents evacuation and sent them to both Russian and Ukrainian authorities. The Russian authorities failed to respond, creating a problem as Russian civilians cannot and will not be evacuated to Ukraine forcefully.”

One resident, speaking on the conditions of anonymity for security reasons, said: “Many know the war is about grabbing land and are anti-Putin. But no one will tell you their real thoughts. It’s dangerous. The Russians will be back, and they may kill us.” 

Information Warfare: A Battle for the Mind

The offensive in Kursk is not just a battle on the ground but also a battle of narratives. The Kremlin, deeply invested in manipulating public perception, relies on disinformation campaigns reminiscent of the early Russian propaganda from Donbas. 

The “crucified boy” narrative was spread by the Kremlin during the early stages of the war in Donbas in 2014 and aimed at demonising Ukrainians.

Russian state media aired a fabricated report claiming that Ukrainian soldiers publicly crucified a young boy in front of his mother in the city of Sloviansk. The plot echoed The Game of Thrones episode, fourth season, in which 163 slave children are crucified along the road, and was used for the Russian Channel One story as a script.

The false story was intended for domestic and international audiences and aimed to stir outrage and justify Russia’s aggression. The Kremlin used the same tactics to influence public opinion ten years into the war. 

In 2024, in Kursk, Ukraine demonstrates its deep commitment to democratic principles by adhering strictly to international law and showing humanity toward Russian civilians. However, in information warfare, just as in conventional warfare, defending one’s moral ground is not sufficient. 

As Russia depends on the outcome of the US elections, the Kremlin intensifies its support for Republican presidential candidate Trump, whose running mate, JD Vance, recently echoed Kremlin talking points in his ending the war in Ukraine plans. At the same time, a campaign is underway to discredit Ukraine and turn public opinion against providing further aid. 

The US Department of Justice (DOJ) indictment alleged that a Tennessee-based media company, likely Tenet Media, received $10 million from Russian state media employees to promote divisive content on social media.

Right-wing influencers like Tim Pool, Benny Johnson, and Dave Rubin were involved and reportedly misled about the funding’s true source. The campaign, led by RT (Russia Today)’s Margarita Simonyan and sanctioned by the FSB, aimed to sway US elections and weaken opposition to Russia’s war in Ukraine.

A separate announcement was made about the DOJ’s seizure of 32 internet domains used in Russian government-directed disinformation campaigns aimed at reducing support for Ukraine and influencing US and foreign elections, including the 2024 US Presidential Election.

For Kyiv, defending its territory is as crucial as dismantling Russian disinformation. The winner of the information war will win the battlefield, and not just in Kursk.