Outside the system

The Hardline Forces Shaping the Conservative Leadership Contest

Sam Bright and Max Colbert explore the individuals and organisations that are propelling the Conservative Party’s lurch to the right

Byline Times and The Citizens explore the individuals and organisations that are propelling the Conservative Party’s lurch to the right

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On 11 July, climate-sceptic Conservative MP Steve Baker hosted a relaunch event for the Thatcherite-era campaigning group, Conservative Way Forward (CWF), attended by Conservative leadership hopefuls Suella Braverman and Nadhim Zahawi.

CWF is an entity originally launched in 1991 to “defend and build upon the achievements of the Conservative Party under Margaret Thatcher’s leadership, and to adapt the principles of her era in government to modern concerns and challenges”. 

According to the organisation’s LinkedIn profile, former Prime Minister David Cameron described it as “the largest and most effective pressure group in the Conservative Party today”. The group claims to have, since 1997, supported every successful leadership candidate, including Boris Johnson.

The campaign video used to relaunch CWF perpetuates the claim that it is an eclectic mix of Conservative members from different wings of the party. But, in reality, the reemergence of CWF as a force in Conservative politics represents a worrying yet-further rightwards shift in the politics of the party – confirmed by the influence of other opaque Thatcherite groups.

Baker, who has shared papers denying the climate crisis and is a trustee at the UK’s “principal climate science denial campaign group”, the Global Warming Policy Foundation, has himself stated that his ultimate objective for CWF is to “redefine the territory on which the Conservative Party operates” – cementing the ultra-libertarian wing as the new “centre ground” of the party.

Braverman, and individuals coalescing around the CWF, strongly reflect the shift in the party towards low corporate tax, net-zero-scepticism and culture war conflicts, encouraged by big money broadcasters – mirroring the tone of Republican politics in the United States.

Baker himself has come out fiercely in support of Braverman’s campaign, stating that she has his “complete and unequivocal loyalty”, recently becoming her campaign manager. Baker had briefly toyed with the idea of running for the leadership himself.

Braverman and Zahawi were the only candidates to publicly back a ‘Charter for Tax Cuts’ promoted by CWF, written by ‘independent economist’ Julian Jessop. While now self-employed, Jessop was, until December 2018, the chief economist at opaquely-funded Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a libertarian think tank that is widely reported to have received money from the fossil fuel industry and climate science deniers. 

The CWF pamphlet calls for expansive tax cuts, reductions in fuel VAT, and the suspension of green levies on energy bills designed to fund renewables. The CWF, as extensively reported by DeSmog, also has deep links to climate-scepticism.

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Neil Record, chair of the GWPF (and the IEA), donated £5,000 to Steve Baker in February for a ‘media and strategic campaign consultant’. Ed Barker, who sits on the board of directors of CWF, worked with him closely during the pandemic, helping to coordinate a nexus of lockdown-sceptic groups.

GWPF’s honorary president is Lord Nigel Lawson, who has defended fossil fuel extraction and described global warming as “not a problem”.

GWPF and its campaigning arm, Net Zero Watch, have been found to have accepted donations from those linked to the fossil fuel industry, while falsely blaming the cost of living crisis on net-zero policies. Climate policy researchers have branded claims made by the group as “misinformation and propaganda”.

GWPF says that it seeks to challenge the “costs and implications” of measures to tackle climate change and claims that it wants to see “policies that enhance human wellbeing and protect the environment”.

It should also be noted that environmental issues remain a top-three issue among the British public, according to recent polling. In fact, the pro-climate Conservative Environment Network counts 123 MPs and 15 Tory peers among its ranks. Once again, it becomes difficult to square this with the CWF’s claims of uniting Conservative members behind a mainstream agenda.

However, there are fears among green Tories that the next party leader, in the wake of the Johnson administration’s sudden implosion, could ditch its climate policies to appease the likes of Baker and CWF.

CWF favourite Braverman has openly committed to scrapping the Government’s net-zero plans, stating that: “In order to deal with the energy crisis we need to suspend the all-consuming desire to achieve net zero by 2050. If we keep it up, especially before businesses and families can adjust, our economy will end up with net zero growth”.

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Braverman has also taken a hardline stance on culture war issues – quoted earlier this month as saying that “we need to get rid of all this woke rubbish and get back to a country where describing a man and a woman in terms of biology does not mean that you’re going to lose your job”.

She recently faced backlash from school leaders after claiming that schools should have no obligation to accommodate pupils who want to change gender, or address them by their preferred pronouns.

Caroline Derbyshire, executive head at Saffron Waldon county high school disputed Braverman’s outburst as “an attempt to whip up an anti-woke culture war, and in schools we are not really interested in this kind of silliness. Young people have been through enough”.

Polling shows that only 2% of Britons think the trans debate is an important issue facing the country, despite the focus devoted to the subject during the Conservative leadership election.

It’s hardly surprising, then, that the CWF launch event was not only attended by climate-sceptics, Brexiters, and libertarians of all stripes, but also by various media figures connected with fringe, anti-‘woke’ Conservative groups.

Kane Blackwell, a GB News producer and a Conservative campaigner said that he was “pleased to be a part” of the movement. Also present at the launch was Guido Fawkes reporter Christian Calgie, Conservative MP for Bishop Aukland Dehenna Davison, right-wing political strategist Peter Barnes, and YouTuber Mahyar Tousi.

As Byline Times have previously reported, senior CWF figure Paul Simon Osborn is a Conservative councillor involved in several key pro-Trump lobby groups, one of which was funded by big Republican donor Rebekah Mercer. Neither CWF nor Osborn responded to Byline Times’ previous questions about this matter.

Other supporters of Baker’s pressure group include former Brexit negotiator and belated lockdown-sceptic David Frost, and Conservative peer Helena Morrissey, who previously claimed that COVID reporting was being exaggerated because people were not “dropping dead in the street”.

CWF’s claim of being an inclusive organisation is questionable, given Baker’s choice of preferred candidate. Its campaign video, at one point, features a pride flag waving proudly, overlaid with the word “freedom”. However, a close look at Braverman’s voting record shows that she has voted not to permit same-sex marriages in Northern Ireland, while she has advocated withdrawing the UK from the European Convention on Human Rights.

With Braverman likely to be knocked out of the contest in the coming days, it will be interesting to see if her agenda will be adopted by the other frontrunners, and if the influence of CWF will continue to drive the party inexorably rightwards, towards Thatcherite, anti-net-zero dogma.

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