TJ Coles reviews the ways in which leaving the EU has made Britain poorer
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Northern Ireland Minister Brandon Lewis said in September 2020 that the Government’s Internal Markets Bill (which passed into law a few months later) would “break international law in a very specific and limited way”.
It has been widely reported that under the act, ministers are permitted to issue binding legal instruments on trade that could violate the Northern Ireland Protocol, which carves out a unique trading arrangement between Northern Ireland and the EU. Less commented upon is the observation by Edinburgh University’s Joanna George, who writes that the act “also permits the breach of any international obligation that may arise in the creation of regulations”.
Now, the Government is attempting to put the final nails into that coffin via its Northern Ireland Protocol Bill. The House of Commons Library says: “This Bill empowers ministers to make parts of the Protocol and related parts of the Withdrawal Agreement ‘excluded provision’, stopping their direct effect in UK law”.
In effect, this would allow the Government to unilaterally breach aspects of the Protocol, and change the trading relationship between Britain, Northern Ireland and the EU.
This is proving controversial among Conservative MPs, many of whom abstained on the recent second reading of the bill, which passed by 295 votes to 221.
Despite telling Parliament that, if enacted, the proposed legislation would “diminish [Britain] in the eyes of the world,” former Prime Minister Theresa May did not vote against the second reading, but instead abstained. Former Health and Social Care Secretary Matt Hancock, whom last June resigned from the Cabinet after breaching his own social distancing rules, authored an article in The Times to rally the Tory faithful by explaining that the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill is “both legal and necessary”.
There are economic and political reasons why the UK is trying to ram through legislation that breaches its international commitments. Not least that the Northern Ireland Assembly is once again in paralysis due to protests over the Protocol, while trade between Britain and Northern Ireland is now increasingly inhibited.
There will almost certainly also be economic repercussions of this legislation, which could trigger a trade war between Britain and Europe.
So now is a good time to reflect on how well Brexit has gone, macroeconomically, for the UK, amid right-wing claims that the project is delivering spectacular benefits.
Inflation

After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine earlier this year, global prices – notably energy prices – began to rise.
In addition to COVID and the war, Britain suffers from the self-inflicted wound of Brexit. By April, inflation in Italy was 2%; France 2.6%; Germany 3.8%; and a whopping 5.4% in the UK.
The Peterson Institute for International Economics says: “Brexit is the primary driver of the high and widening inflation differential between the UK and its European peers.”
Trade Balance

Back in 1997, with Labour in power, Britain enjoyed a relatively equal balance of trade with the EU: we were exporting as much as we were importing. The gap has been widening ever since; particularly impacted by the 2016 Brexit referendum, the COVID pandemic, and our subsequent withdrawal from the EU.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine appears to have made Britain even more dependent on EU imports, and we now endure a trade deficit with the EU worth £10 billion, importing £26 billion-worth of goods but exporting just £16 billion.
Exports

It was reported in late March that the volume of Britain’s exports had fallen by 14% as the ‘rest of the world’ saw an increase of 8.2%, despite experiencing the same COVID-and conflict-driven supply shocks. Michael Saunders, external member of the Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee, says that Brexit has “reduced the economy’s openness, in trade and labour mobility”.

