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Kseniya Kirillova explains the influences that make Russians overseas prey to pressure from Vladimir Putin, and how to counteract them.
‘Putin, Bring in Troops!’
The head of a major Russian think tank, the Foundation for the Protection of National Values, last week proposed amending the Russian Constitution to include, in the words of Alexander Malkevich, the right to protect Russians abroad.
In particular, the Foundation wants to supplement Article 61 of the Constitution, guaranteeing protection and patronage to Russian citizens outside the country, with a right to protection.
“The Russian Federation recognises its right to use any force to protect the lives and property of its citizens abroad in cases where the host country cannot or does not want to provide them with the protection to which they are entitled.”
The key phrase is the use of “any force” to protect, not only the life but also the property of, Russian citizens. At the same time, Malkevich does not explain what kind of protection the Russian emigrants are “entitled” to.
Judging by the fact that the reason behind the amendment was the recent arrest of a Russian woman named Olesya Krasilova in Spain at the US’ request and the extradition of a number of Russian hackers to America, it extends to cases of legal prosecution of Russian citizens by authorities of other countries.
The Vulnerability of Russians Overseas: Excommunication
The most alarming thing about the proposal is not only the readiness to use force against other countries under the pretext of protecting Russian citizens, but also that such an initiative is supported by Russian diasporas abroad.
Counterintelligence services of Western countries which try to track the activity of Russian intelligence on their territory often don’t pay enough attention to Moscow’s collaboration with Russians overseas.
While it may be an exaggeration to compare the Kremlin’s diaspora policy to German agents during the Third Reich, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s popularity among Russians living abroad during the 2018 Presidential Election far exceeded his results in Russia. There are various psychological reasons for this.
Many emigrants’ psychological connection with their homeland carries feelings of guilt. The idea that emigration to a “hostile” country (especially to the US or Britain) is a betrayal has been gradually imparted by Russian propaganda until it somehow settled in the subconscious of people, particularly those who do not deliberately embark on the path of dissent. Even after having decided to leave Russia for personal reasons (due to a decline in living standards, the need for self-fulfillment or to provide their children with good education and prospects, for example), such people are completely unprepared to be labelled as “traitors”.
The Kremlin creates numerous associations, forums and congresses of Russian-speaking compatriots who openly declare the goal of re-establishing communication with the “great motherland”. Most of these associations imply support for Putin’s current foreign policy. Many emigrants, even if initially indifferent to politics, are prepared to easily accept this unwritten condition in order to continue to live abroad peacefully and, at the same time, feel that they are “forgiven” by Russia.
For example, during a recent conflict between two different groups in the pro-Russian part of the diaspora in the US, one of the parties threatened the other with a ban on participating in any events held by the Russian consulates and embassy in the US. Even the threat of “excommunication from the embassy” was perceived by these people as the harshest punishment. Having no other ties to their “historical homeland”, these Americans cherished formal contact with the Russian state more than their reputation in their own country.
Longing and Belonging
The second weakness the Kremlin takes advantage of is the need for cultural self-identification among emigrants from Russia. Many organisations which are created or developed with the support of the Russian Foreign Ministry – although formally cultural and educational in nature – are also secretly lobbying on behalf of the Kremlin.
As a rule, 90% of the activities of such organisations are non-political in nature, however, people who delve deeper into their work, sooner or later are forced to face its political aspect.
For example, the Congress of Russian Americans positions itself as the oldest national organisation “rooted in religious Christian Orthodox values”. It is engaged in religious and charitable activity but, at the same time, sends out letters to the US President asking for sanctions to be lifted on Russia.
The main themes of the events by such organisations concern the study of the Russian language and history of the Russian emigration. However, as the organisers themselves point out, there are also messages about “the role the United States played in igniting the colour revolutions around Russia’s perimeter”. Sometimes at these events, conspiracy theories are spread about the “Deep State demonising Russia” and those which openly promote support for Donald Trump.
The third vulnerability actively used by Moscow is the so-called “emigrant crisis”. According to psychologists, almost all emigrants go through a stage of rejection, and sometimes even hatred, towards a new country – including those who now live comfortably in that country.
Under normal conditions, a period of heightened criticism towards a new homeland is temporary and gives way to adaptation. However, the Russian authorities are intensely trying to create a special environment for Russians abroad to ideologically and