Pro-Trump Tech Billionaires Are Poised to Cash In on Gaza’s ‘Peace’ Deal

The same digital infrastructure used by Israel’s military in Gaza has been quietly coded into the design of Gaza’s proposed post-war administration, Byline Times can reveal. Poised to profit are the very American tech giants backing President Donald Trump, who plans to send US troops to Israel to monitor the new Gaza ceasefire.

A Byline Times review of the leaked Gaza International Transitional Authority (GITA) framework, procurement guidance documents, and FEC filings shows that its digital-governance backbone – covering identity, border control, aid logistics and donor coordination – matches the Oracle-Palantir technology ‘stack’ of digital technologies currently used in Israel’s defence network. They further suggest that the GITA board structure is planned to allow this stack an easy entry-point into reconstruction contracts.

The plan was drafted by the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change (TBI), whose biggest financial backer is Larry Ellison, the billionaire co-founder and executive chairman of tech giant Oracle Corporation. Since 2021, the institute received donations or pledges of at least £257 million from the Larry Ellison Foundation, an amount that dwarfs all other donors combined.

The funding has enabled TBI to expand across Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe, embedding consultants in government ministries.

TBI insists that Ellison’s money is “ring-fenced” for social and climate programmes. Yet Ellison’s dominance in TBI’s revenue stream makes such separation largely theoretical.

Ellison himself is a Trump supporter and Republican Party megadonor, who has given tens of millions of dollars to the party and embedded Oracle across the American federal government following extensive lobbying. Oracle is also poised to oversee TikTok’s US algorithm after the completion of its US sale, under Trump’s deal with China.

Ellison has close ties to fellow pro-Trump billionaire Peter Thiel, through a little-known partnership between Oracle and Palantir, the surveillance and defence-analytics firm co-founded by Thiel.

Both companies have directly supported Israel’s military operations in the Gaza Strip. But the same companies are also in prime position to profit from the technocratic management of Gaza after the war.

The leaked draft first obtained by Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz outlines a sweeping post-war system: a unified civil registry and digital identity platform; centralised border and customs management; data-driven humanitarian logistics for aid and reconstruction; and an interoperable digital-governance backbone connecting donor agencies and local authorities.

These mirror the operational domains of the Palantir-Oracle technology stack.

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The Ellison-Thiel Technological Axis

In April 2024 Oracle and Palantir announced a deep “strategic partnership” to deliver “mission-critical AI solutions to governments and businesses.” It was a relationship nearly a decade in the making – back in 2017 Ellison had held exploratory talks with Peter Thiel about acquiring Palantir outright.

By July, Palantir and Oracle jointly unveiled deployment guides showing its Foundry and AI platforms running on Oracle’s sovereign, government and “air-gapped” clouds, tailored for national security clients. In June 2025 Oracle launched its Defence Ecosystem including “Palantir for Builders.”

Palantir has long become a cornerstone of Western military data infrastructure, and in January 2024 the company had announced its own “strategic partnership with Israel’s Ministry of Defense” to supply operational software for the Gaza campaign. Palantir technology has also been instrumental in Israel Defence Force (IDF) AI targeting in Gaza.

Ellison’s Oracle had made parallel moves. Through Oracle Cloud Infrastructure’s (OCI) Jerusalem Region launched in 2021 – a sovereign data centre built “to serve the needs of Israel’s public sector and defence customers” – Oracle provides the hardware substrate on which Palantir’s wartime analytics can run. Separately, Oracle had run a four-year confidential project with the Israeli Air Force, and a three year programme with the IDF’s secretive Unit 81 intelligence technology division.

In practice, then, the Ellison-Thiel alliance has created a vertically integrated defence-technology stack: Oracle’s global and sovereign clouds as infrastructure; Palantir’s Foundry and AIP as analytics and AI.

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How the War Stack Maps Onto Gaza’s Reconstruction Plan

Although no tenders have yet been published for the proposed Gaza International Transitional Authority (GITA), Byline Times can reveal that the digital architecture described in the leaked plan broadly matches the procurement categories already circulating across donor-led digital projects in Gaza and the West Bank.

The most advanced channel is the World Bank’s Digital West Bank & Gaza programme – the vehicle through which digital public infrastructure, or “DPI,” is being funded and procured across the Palestinian territories.

The Bank’s own procurement plan itemises everything from the purchase of bandwidth capacity to consulting contracts for interoperability and data management.

It sets out which ministries act as “implementing agencies,” how competitive tenders are run, and how international vendors can participate – rules and frameworks which can be rapidly used for any Gaza digital authority.

The current plan, updated in July 2025, lists specific lots and methods building on earlier iterations.

Meanwhile, major UN agencies are upgrading the region’s underlying digital scaffolding.

In August 2025, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) tendered a contract for a “Cloud-Based SD-LAN with Advanced AI” – essentially a modern network backbone linking its regional offices – marking a shift toward cloud-managed, AI-enabled infrastructure that could later host the kind of registry and logistics systems envisaged in the Gaza plan.

The same pattern is visible in Gaza’s relief economy.

According to the UN’s humanitarian coordination office, OCHA, donor agencies are scaling up digital payments and e-wallets to deliver cash assistance, while local banks are slowly resuming operations.

While innocuous in themselves, these tools are pitched to be integrated into wider systems requiring identity checks, data sharing between agencies, and some form of central registry to prevent duplication – the basic plumbing of the ‘digital ID’ structure outlined in the Blair plan.

Earlier this year, Israeli officials floated a proposal to link facial recognition to food-aid distribution – an idea that drew international criticism but demonstrates how biometric tools are migrating from security applications into civilian aid management.

Taken together, these procurement tracks reveal how Gaza’s reconstruction is being imagined not just in bricks and concrete, but in data flows and cloud infrastructure.

Every step of that process opens doors for the companies best positioned to provide “sovereign” cloud hosting, registry software, and analytics platforms – the very domains dominated by Oracle and its partner Palantir.

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When War Tech Writes the Peace

The Gaza plan’s proposed tools – digital identity, border control, data-driven logistics, donor-coordinated digital governance – map onto the products Ellison and Thiel already sell to national governments and militaries.

Of course, Oracle or Palantir have not yet been awarded reconstruction contracts during these early stages of the Trump-brokered Gaza peace plan. However, the alignment of funder, author and contractor is unmistakable. The “peace” architecture Blair’s institute has helped design is built from the same code that has powered Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.

Antony Loewenstein, author of The Palestine Laboratory: How Israel Exports the Technology of Occupation Around the World which explores the sophisticated technological infrastructure of Israel’s occupation of Palestine, warns against Big Tech’s role in the post-war ‘management’ of Gaza. “I’ve spent over a decade investigating the role of Western defence and tech companies in the occupation of Palestine and decimation of Gaza since 7 October 2023,” he told Byline Times.

“The security of obtained data is highly questionable, Palestinians will not know what’s being kept on them, and this is just the latest example of Israel and its supporters looking for ways to ‘manage’ the occupation, a so-called ‘frictionless’ arrangement.’ During the Gaza genocide, Big Tech has been deeply complicit in Israel’s war machine, from Amazon to Microsoft and Google to Palantir, and these companies should be nowhere near the Palestinians who don’t need to be controlled by unaccountable Silicon Valley corporations.”

Neither Oracle nor Palantir responded to requests for comment.

A spokesperson for the Tony Blair Institute said: “Your suggestions of any undue influence or conflicts of interest are wholly unfounded and lack any basic evidence. They are pure innuendo. TBI’s GITA document, which has been written about extensively for over a month, was a working document looking at a range of proposals for building institutional capacity in post war Gaza. The individuals named were simply illustrative examples.

“TBI has nothing to do with Oracle/Palantir’s partnership nor its business in Israel.  The Ellison Foundation donation does not support TBI’s work in the Middle East.

“Any potential service provider would go through the normal procurement processes. The GITA document specifically says that there should be financial transparency and accountability. Oracle isn’t even mentioned in this document. And to be clear, TBI does not advocate for Oracle’s commercial interests, nor does it advocate for any tech provider.”

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The Gatekeeper?

President Donald Trump has already welcomed the involvement of the former UK prime minister Sir Tony Blair in a forthcoming Gaza authority. Trump’s 20-point peace plan, which appears to be a vaguer version of the more elaborate document prepared by the Tony Blair Institute, named Blair as a key member of GITA’s proposed ‘Board for Peace’.

Blair is reportedly close to Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner – who notoriously promoted the idea of removing Palestinian civilians to “clean up” the Gaza strip, and touted the notion that its “waterfront property could be very valuable”. His think-tank, TBI, was also involved in plans to create a new “Trump Riviera” based on models developed by Boston Consulting Group.

That vision, which proposes a “Gaza Reconstitution, Economic Acceleration and Transformation (GREAT) Trust”, envisages creating a “blockchain registry for land” to underpin the construction of up to eight “AI-powered, smart planned cities on the inner side of the Gaza Ring. All services and economy in these cities will be done through ID-based digital system.” It even mentions an “Elon Musk Smart Manufacturing Zone” – Musk’s companies such as xAI have cultivated close partnerships with both Oracle and Palantir. Ellison invested $1 billion to support Musk’s purchase of Twitter in 2022, and sits on his board at Tesla.

Trump has since cautioned that Blair’s appointment is dependent on it being “an acceptable choice to everybody”. The process of making it acceptable, however, is well underway, with the Palestinian Authority confirming its support for Blair’s role.

Among others floated by the leaked GITA plan to join the new authority’s board is pro-Trump billionaire Marc Rowan, chief executive of Apollo Global Management.

Rowan’s significance lies in his proximity to Larry Ellison’s political and donor network. Both were major contributors to the Opportunity Matters Fund, the super-PAC backing Senator Tim Scott and other Trump-aligned Republicans. Ellison’s $15 million donation in 2022 was his largest political gift on record, and Federal Election Commission filings name Rowan among the PAC’s top donors.

If appointed to the Gaza International Transitional Authority, Rowan could act as a reconstruction gatekeeper – deciding which systems and vendors are selected to rebuild Gaza’s administrative infrastructure.

Marc Rowan’s office was contacted for comment.

The Gaza plan is being sold as a path to stability. Yet beneath its bureaucratic language sits a circular economy of war: the pro-Trump billionaires behind Israel’s war-tech are in prime position to deploy the suite of militarised surveillance and border control technologies of a Trump-brokered peace.

Larry Ellison’s Oracle and Peter Thiel’s Palantir now form a single operational spine for digital governance and defence, from cloud infrastructure to predictive analytics. And Trump’s Gaza peace plan looks like the vehicle through which that spine could extend into Gaza’s reconstruction.

The technologies that mapped, targeted and managed Gaza in wartime are now the same ones perfectly positioned to administer it during peace. Which means the Gaza International Transitional Authority risks becoming not a clear break from the conflict, but a potential continuation of it by digital means.